499-480BC in the Near East

Persian soldiers from a relief at Persepolis

This blog will try and look at the Near East, which during this period was mainly included in the Persian Empire. I will occasionally mention the affairs of Carthage as well. From the Persian period onwards, the historical sources become quite scant and we are quite heavily reliant on the writings of the Greeks, particularly Herodotus. Other important sources will be Thucydides, Plutarch and Diodorus Siculus. Occasional snippets of information may come from the Hebrew biblical writings, or sacred traditions, but these will generally only concern affairs in Judea. It is not that there is nothing to say for this period, but the history is now mainly written by the Greeks. So if most of what I have to say concerns the Greeks, we should remember it is because they are writing the history, not because nothing else was happening in the empire. For any events that deal with the Greeks I will only write of them briefly as they are dealt with in greater detail in these blogs:

499-490BC in Greece & 489-480BC in Greece

In the year 499BC the Greek island of Naxos was attacked by the forces of the Persian Empire, led there by Aristagoras, who was the deputy tyrant of Miletus. The expedition failed, partly due to disagreements between Aristagoras and the Persian commander of the invading force. Aristagoras feared that he would be blamed for the revolt and, capitalising on the dissatisfaction of the Ionian citizens, launched a rebellion against the Persians, known as the Ionian Revolt.

A later cylinder seal showing a Persian king slaying
a Greek hoplite

In the year 498 the Ionian Greeks burned Sardis. This was the old capital of Lydia and was the seat of control for the local Persian satrap. The burning may have been done by accident, but the fire spread quickly and did great damage, burning at least one temple among the destruction. The Ionians did not fully capture Sardis and instead of continuing the attack, the Greeks were pursued to the coast by the rallied Persians. Here the Ionians and their allies from mainland Greece were defeated by the Persians at the Battle of Ephesus.

The allies of the Ionians, Greeks from the far shore of the Aegean Sea, abandoned the Ionian cause after this. However the fact that the Ionians had dared to burn the regional administrative centre showed that they were serious about their revolt. The Greek cities around the Hellespont and in Cyprus also rose up in revolt and the province of Caria seems to have been contemplating revolt at this time also. In the midst of the confusion of the war, the Paeonians, who had been transplanted from the region near Thrace across the sea to Asia Minor, took advantage of the chaos and fled back to their homeland. The flight of the Paeonians probably had no major military cost to the Persians, but shows the unsettled nature of the times.

Egyptian jar with Darius' name inscribed

When Darius was informed that Sardis had burned it is said by Herodotus that he shot an arrow into the sky and swore that he would have revenge on the mainland Greeks, Athenians and Eritreans, who had assisted the Ionian rebels in their burning of Sardis.

It is possible that Darius was in Egypt around this time, as a great work was nearing completion. Darius I had completed the work begun by Necho II of Egypt. He had completed a working canal system linking the Red Sea and the Mediterranean via a number of lakes. There are inscriptions from this time period describing the building of the canal and Herodotus ascribes this to Darius. However, later Greek writers say that it was not in fact completed until much later. I wonder if the solution to this that the canal was dug and created, but that the absence of locks made the entire enterprise unprofitable and that the canal was abandoned until later centuries when it was re-dug? It is not sure, but it was at least an enterprising thing to attempt. An inscription, known sometimes as the Chalouf Stela, describes this canal.

Drawing of the Chalouf Stela of Darius

King Darius says: I am a Persian; setting out from Persia I conquered Egypt. I ordered to dig this canal from the river that is called Nile and flows in Egypt, to the sea that begins in Persia. Therefore, when this canal had been dug as I had ordered, ships went from Egypt through this canal to Persia, as I had intended.
Suez Inscriptions of Darius I, written circa 498BC

In the year 497 the Persians counterattacked against the Ionian Revolt. A Persian force landed on Cyprus to crush the rebelling Cypriot cities. Despite the Ionian Greeks winning a sea victory against the Persian fleet, the Cypriot revolt was ended when Onesilus, the leader of the rebellion in Cyprus, was slain. The quelling of the rebellion on Cyprus was not without cost of course. In addition to the defeat at sea, the Persian commander on land, Artybius, was also slain.

Meanwhile three commanders of the Persians arrived in Asia Minor and began counter-attacking against different rebel areas. Daurises was one of these commanders and made great headway in reconquering cities in the Hellespont region. However, as he was recapturing these, word arrived that Caria was now in outright revolt, so Daurises brought his army to face the new threat.

Map of the Canal of the Pharaohs built by Darius

In the year 496 the Persians under Daurises won a major victory over the Carians at the Battle of Marsyas. The Carians retreated to a place known as Labraundas, where they received Ionian Greek reinforcements from Miletus. These fought the Persians, but were again heavily defeated. Daurises was marching towards Caria when he was ambushed in a night attack and slain at the Battle of Pedasus. After the death of Daurises, the Persians retreated towards Sardis and waited for more generals and reinforcements.

Meanwhile Aristagoras, the instigator of the Ionian Revolt, had died while besieging a city in Thrace. Darius had allowed Histiaeus, the previous tyrant of Miletus, to return to the region, but he was suspected of treachery by the Persians while he was in Sardis and fled to Samos. Here he tried to intrigue with high-ranking Persians in Sardis, but failed.

In Egypt, the satrap Aryandes was removed from his post and probably executed. Herodotus records that this was because he had tried to mint his own coinage. But it’s possible that Darius simply suspected him of being too independent. Egypt was a wealthy province, with good natural defences of seas and deserts, and it was also at a distance from the rest of the empire. We may never know exactly what happened with Aryandes, but it is clear that Darius did not trust him.

Drawing of the seal of Darius

In the year 495 the Milesian tyrant Histiaeus tried to return to Miletus, having failed in his plotting while on the island of Samos. Despite the fact that Miletus was in rebellion against Persia, they did not want Histiaeus’ help, as they were tired of tyrants. They refused Histiaeus entry and he eventually had to flee. Histiaeus then commandeered some ships and set himself up as a pirate leader near Byzantium, plundering ships entering and exiting the Black Sea.

Meanwhile the Persian forces around Sardis were gathering. It is possible that they were under the command of an experienced Median general named Datis, but this is unclear.

A later vase showing Greeks and Persians fighting

In the year 494 the Persians had fully organised their response to the Ionian Revolt. Their army and navy in the region besieged Miletus, where the revolt had begun. The Greeks did not try and meet the Persians in open warfare in front of the city, but instead tried to meet the Persian fleet in battle near the harbour of Miletus. After waiting for some time for dissensions to appear in the ranks of the Greeks, the Persians attacked. The Greeks were heavily defeated at the Battle of Lade and the bulk of the resistance to the Persians was over. Miletus was besieged and eventually taken by storm, with Herodotus saying that the Persians used mining operations against the city. The other Greek cities along the coast of Asia Minor surrendered. Nearby islands were combed for any remaining people by the Persians. They would use human chains to scour the islands and check for anyone hiding from them.

Meanwhile, when the disgraced rebel leader Histiaeus, who was acting as a pirate in the Hellespont region, returned to Ionia. He attacked the island of Chios, which had suffered heavily in the Battle of Lade, and forced them to support his last stand in the war. He then tried to attack Thasos, in the north of the Aegean. It is unclear why Histiaeus and Aristagoras were so interested in Thrace. Thasos was probably wanted for its goldmines however.

An Egyptian statue of Darius

After the fall of Miletus, the citizens of Miletus were mostly killed, sold into slavery or deported elsewhere. Some Carians were deported to the hinterlands of Miletus, as a form of population transfer. This is a good example of the Persians using similar deportation methods to the earlier Assyrian and Babylonian empires. They also destroyed the sanctuary of Apollo at Didyma, where an Oracle resided, and removed the statue of the god to take to Darius as war booty.

In the year 493 the Persians in Asia Minor conducted mop-up operations to quell the last vestiges of the Ionian Revolt. After the initial violence in the crushing of the Ionian Revolt, the Persians were quite fair to the conquered Greeks and even reduced their tribute slightly in some cases. Histiaeus failed in his siege of Thasos and returned to Chios, before trying to raid the mainland for supplies. His forces were defeated and he was captured. When he was taken to Sardis he was executed by the satrap there, who feared that he was too dangerous to be left alive. His head was sent to King Darius, and it was said that Darius mourned the loss of his friend, who had done him such service on the banks of the Danube.

In the year 492 Mardonius was sent to manage the reorganisation of Ionia and to stabilise the Persian possessions in Thrace and Macedonia. Darius was obviously concerned about the region, as Mardonius was a very senior commander. He was closely related to Darius, who was Mardonius’ uncle, father-in-law and half brother-in-law, through various dynastic marriages. Mardonius led a large army through Asia Minor. As he went he deposed the remaining tyrants in the Ionian city states and converted the cities to democracies, presumably to make them less likely to revolt in the future rather than any inherent love of democracy.

Mount Athos viewed from the sea

Mardonius’ army crossed into Europe and stabilised the Persian provinces in Thrace and Macedonia. Mardonius had a large navy with him and set out to bring the island of Thasos under Persian control. The mission was successful and the Thasians submitted, but while the fleet was returning to the mainland they were caught in a terrible storm near the coast of Mount Athos and three hundred ships were lost. Mardonius was attacked by one of the Thracian tribes at around this time. The Persians beat off the Thracian attack and avenged themselves on the tribe, but the losses to the fleet were too large to continue the campaign. Mardonius retreated back towards Sardis and Darius was informed of the disaster.

In the year 491 Darius sent messengers throughout Greece demanding submission to the Persian Empire. Some city-states submitted to Persia, sending the symbolic gifts of earth and water to Darius I, to symbolise that he was the ruler of their lands and seas. The wealthy, trading, island city state of Aegina submitted to Persia, but was those oligarchs of Aegina who had submitted were imprisoned by the Spartans and Athenians. The Spartans and Athenians murdered the messengers that Darius I had sent. Heralds were said to be sacred by nearly every nation in the ancient world, so this slaying of sacrosanct messengers must have further infuriated the Persian king, who was now more than ever determined to destroy Athens, and now Sparta.

Probable relief sculpture of Darius

The wars with the Greeks were as of yet still a minor concern of the Persian king. Darius spent time building magnificent halls in Susa and Persepolis. The reliefs of the Apadana Hall in Persepolis, showing all the nations of the empire paying tribute to Darius, were probably completed around this time. The building program of Darius in the city of Persepolis was mostly finished around this time.

In the year 490 Mardonius seems to have been relieved of command of the army in the west. The experienced Median general Datis was given overall command, with Artaphrenes the Younger being appointed as another general. Datis was told to attack and destroy Athens and Eretria, the two cities that had aided the Ionians in the burning of the city of Sardis. Datis assembled a large army and fleet, but did not take his troops across directly into Europe, as Darius and Mardonius had done in earlier campaigns. Instead Datis sailed his ships across the Aegean and attacked the various islands, with the exception of the sacred island of Delos, brought these forcibly into the Persian Empire.

Datis’ army reached the island of Euboea and lay siege to the city of Eretria, conquering it swiftly by besieging it and then waiting for it to be betrayed to them. After the conquest of Eretria the army of Datis was transported across to Attica. Hippias, the ex-tyrant of Athens, was with the Persian army and probably advised them to land at Marathon. The Persians landed there, but were surprised to see that the Athenian army came out against them from the city. The Athenians camped on the top of a nearby hill to try and keep the Persians pinned down near their ships.

Ruins of Persepolis

After some days of waiting it seems that the Persians may have made some sort of move, possibly boarding their cavalry and parts of their army to sail around the cape and attack Athens. The Athenians moved to the attack, running into battle and surprising the Persians, who were caught off guard. A fierce battle ensued, with the Persians breaking through the Athenian centre and the Athenians breaking the flanks of the Persian army before turning on the Persians in the centre. Neither Datis nor Artaphrenes were killed, but the Persians suffered a defeat, suffering at least seven thousand casualties. The Persian fleet put to sea and sailed around to attack Athens, but the Athenian army made a supreme effort and marched back to Athens before the Persians could arrive there. Faced with the Athenian army awaiting them, the Persian attack force abandoned the attempt and sailed back across the Aegean.

This was the first proper land battle where the Greeks defeated the Persians in open warfare. Darius I swore that a larger army would be sent across the Aegean and that the Greeks, in particular the Athenians, would pay for their crimes of burning temples and slaying envoys.

A later Greek vase showing Darius

But from a larger Persian perspective the defeat at Marathon was not a major defeat. Datis had conquered much of the Aegean for the Persian Empire. Eretria, one of the two targets of the expedition, had been burned, and its inhabitants were deported to the heart of the Persian Empire, to Ardericca near Susa, where after the initial deportation, they seem to have been treated well. Datis’ force had suffered casualties certainly, but both commanders survived and most of their armies seem to have been intact. Datis was right not to continue the campaign, as the Athenians were expecting reinforcements, but in strategic terms, this was merely a minor setback for the Persians.

Although the dates are unclear, it would seem that Hanno the Navigator, a Carthaginian explorer, made his expedition around this time. Hanno sailed westwards, through the Pillars of Hercules and into the Atlantic Ocean. Here he describes a voyage into strange lands and also records meeting a tribe of semi-humans that his interpreters referred to as Gorillie/Gorillae and are probably what we now refer to, using his word, as gorillas. It is unclear how far south Hanno or his ships actually reached. They mention a mountain of fire that is probably a volcano and which might be a description of Mount Kakulima or Mount Cameroon. As the Carthaginians were notoriously secretive about their voyages, it is possible that large parts of his narrative were forged, or concealed. But it is still fascinating to remember the courage of explorers of times past. Far in the future, a crater on the moon would be named after him.

Craters of Mount Cameroon, possibly the mountain of fire
seen by Hanno the Navigator

And we sailed along with all speed, being stricken by fear. After a journey of four days, we saw the land at night covered with flames. And in the midst there was one lofty fire, greater than the rest, which seemed to touch the stars. By day this was seen to be a very high mountain, called Chariot of the Gods. Thence, sailing along by the fiery torrents for three days, we came to a bay, called Horn of the South. In the recess of this bay there was an island, like the former one, having a lake, in which there was another island, full of savage men. There were women, too, in even greater number. They had hairy bodies, and the interpreters called them Gorillie. When we pursued them we were unable to take any of the men; for they all escaped, by climbing the steep places and defending themselves with stones; but we took three of the women, who bit and scratched their leaders, and would not follow us. So we killed them and flayed them, and brought their skins to Carthage. For we did not voyage further, provisions failing us. 
Periplus of Hanno the Navigator, written circa 450BC, but translated at a later date into Greek

Persian golden bowl from the time of Darius

Pliny the Elder writes that Himilco the explorer set sail at the same time as Hanno. These dates are very sketchy and it is quite possible that these voyages were made at different times and possibly up to a century and a half earlier. Himilco is said to have said into the Atlantic and sailed north. He describes a still sea, without wind, and takes a long time to pass along the coast, possibly because his expedition was founding colonies along the western coast of the Iberian Peninsula along their route. Himilco’s voyage is even less documented than Hanno’s and almost nothing survives of it save the occasional reference in Pliny and in a much later poem, possibly written by Avienus around AD350. Himilco was possibly the first explorer from the Mediterranean to sail as far north as Britain, or possibly even Ireland. But his expedition is not well documented and the Carthaginians were known to forge their travel reports to deter outsiders from venturing along their trade routes.

Beyond, towards the area to the west, 
Himilco relates that from the Pillars there is a sea without end: 
The Ocean lies open across a wide area, and the sea stretches out. 
No man has entered upon these seas; no man has ever set ships on that ocean, 
Because the sea lacks winds that would drive the ship along, 
And no breeze from the sky favours a ship. 
Then, because a mist clothes the air with a kind of cloak, fog always conceals the sea 
And lasts through the day, which is rather thick with clouds. 
That is the Ocean, which roars far off around the vast earth. 
That is the great sea. This sea encircles the shores. 
This is the source of the water of the inner sea; this is the parent of our sea. 
Indeed, on the outside it curves into shape very many gulfs 
And the power of the deep sea penetrates our world.
Ora Maritima, possibly written by Avienus, circa AD350

Skeleton of King Tabnit of Sidon (currently in Istanbul)

Around this time King Tabnit of Sidon, another Phoenician, died. Little is known of this king, save that he was a regional ruler who was allowed to rule his city by the Persians. The Phoenicians were famed seafarers and traders and the Persians allowed them considerable freedom and autonomy, in exchange for the Phoenician cities such as Tyre and Sidon paying tribute and providing ships for their navy. Tabnit, or his father, probably participated in the campaign of Cambyses against Egypt, as his sarcophagus and the sarcophagus of his son seem to have been looted from Egypt. Tabnit’s sarcophagus seems to have been previously used by an Egyptian commander called Peneptah. These looted sarcophagi would be the inspiration many for later Phoenician sarcophagi.The Tabnit sarcophagus, along with the preserved body of the king, has been found and is preserved in the Istanbul Archaeological Museums. The inscription is given below.

Sarcophagus of King Tabnit of Sidon (in Istanbul)

I, Tabnit, priest of Astarte, king of Sidon, the son of Eshmunazar, priest of Astarte, king of Sidon, am lying in this sarcophagus.
Whoever you are, any man that might find this sarcophagus,
don't, don't open it and don't disturb me,
for no silver is gathered with me, no gold is gathered with me, nor anything of value whatsoever,
only I am lying in this sarcophagus.
Don't, don't open it and don't disturb me,
for this thing is an abomination to Astarte.
And if you do indeed open it and do indeed disturb me,
may you not have any seed among the living under the sun,
nor a resting-place with the Rephaites*.
Inscription on the Tabnit Sarcophagus, written circa 490BC
*Possibly meaning embalmers

Tomb of Darius at Naqsh-i-Rustam

Nothing definite can be said for the years of 489 or 488 to my knowledge. I’m sure that many things did in fact happen, but just nothing that I can assign dates to with certainty.

Around the year 487 King Amaniastabarqa of Kush died. He was succeeded by King Siaspiqa of Kush. As is the case with all of the monarchs of Kush in this time period, very little is known about either king.

Around the year 486 Egypt rose in revolt, possibly killing the satrap Pherendates. This forced the aged Darius to postpone any plans for the punishment of the Athenians. He prepared to set out on a campaign against Egypt, nominating his son Xerxes as successor.

Before setting out on campaign however, Darius I, the Great King of Persia, died. He was succeeded by his son Xerxes I. Darius was buried in a rock-cut tomb, hewn out of a cliff-face high above the plain, at a place now known as Naqsh-i-Rustam. The façade of the tomb shows Darius worshipping his god Ahura Mazda, while carved soldiers of all corners of the empire hold up the platform that the Persian king stands on. An inscription is given on the façade, far too high for anyone on the ground to read, that sums up the life of Darius and all his many accomplishments. He was not born to the throne, but he had successfully taken over the largest empire in the world and expanded it, making it yet greater. Below are the words of Darius to the readers, to the gods and to posterity.

Tomb of Darius at Naqsh-i-Rustam

A great god is Ahuramazda, who created this earth, who created yonder sky, who created man, who created happiness for man, who made Darius king, one king of many, one lord of many. 
I am Darius the great king, king of kings, king of countries containing all kinds of men, king in this great earth far and wide, son of Hystaspes, an Achaemenid, a Persian, son of a Persian, an Aryan, having Aryan lineage. 
King Darius says: By the favor of Ahuramazda these are the countries which I seized outside of Persia; I ruled over them; they bore tribute to me; they did what was said to them by me; they held my law firmly; Media, Elam, Parthia, Aria, Bactria, Sogdia, Chorasmia, Drangiana, Arachosia, Sattagydia, Gandara [Gadâra], India [Hiduš], the haoma-drinking Scythians, the Scythians with pointed caps, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, Armenia, Cappadocia, Lydia, the Greeks (Yauna), the Scythians across the sea (Sakâ), Thrace, the petasos-wearing Greeks [Yaunâ], the Libyans, the Nubians, the men of Maka and the Carians. 
King Darius says: Ahuramazda, when he saw this earth in commotion, thereafter bestowed it upon me, made me king; I am king. By the favor of Ahuramazda I put it down in its place; what I said to them, that they did, as was my desire. 
If now you shall think that "How many are the countries which King Darius held?" look at the sculptures [of those] who bear the throne, then shall you know, then shall it become known to you: the spear of a Persian man has gone forth far; then shall it become known to you: a Persian man has delivered battle far indeed from Persia. 

Relief sculpture of Darius from
his tomb at Naqsh-i-Rustam

Darius the King says: This which has been done, all that by the will of Ahuramazda I did. Ahuramazda bore me aid, until I did the work. May Ahuramazda protect me from harm, and my royal house, and this land: this I pray of Ahuramazda, this may Ahuramazda give to me! 
O man, that which is the command of Ahuramazda, let this not seem repugnant to you; do not leave the right path; do not rise in rebellion!
Tomb Inscription of Darius I, written circa 486BC

Xerxes I succeeded his father, inheriting the entire vast Persian Empire with all its wealth and splendour. With this inheritance came the problems as well. The first task of the new king was to deal with the rebellion in Egypt. This was led by a figure who may have been Psamtik IV (or Psammetichus IV depending on how it is spelled) and who may have been connected with the previous dynasty or with Libyan princes near the Nile Delta. Egypt was an important province and was too rich to be given up easily. Xerxes appointed his brother Achaemenes as satrap of Egypt and gave him an army to lead against Egypt.

I have mentioned previously how there is no conclusive evidence that Cyrus or Cambyses were Zoroastrians, but that Darius definitely was. Xerxes was even more fervent of a believer than his father. Babylon had been conquered by Cyrus, but it was still one of the largest cities in the empire, even perhaps the largest city in the world. It saw itself as the centre of the world and that those who would be king should take part in the religious ceremonies there.

Cyrus and Cambyses seem to have followed this formula, paying lip service to the Babylonian priesthood and paying token homage to Marduk, particularly at the New Year Festival; the Akitu. Darius appears to have made some gestures to conciliate the Babylonians, but increased neglect and increased taxation probably alienated most of the Babylonian elite, who realised that their city had lost its prominence and might never regain it. Darius had also begun to split up the territory of the old Babylonian empire into different satrapies, thus reducing the significance of Babylon itself. Suffice it to say that in the year of Xerxes’ succession he did not conciliate the priests of Babylon.

Trilingual inscription of Xerxes at Van

Around the year 485 Xerxes, who was keen to live up to his father’s legacy and to follow in his father’s footsteps, remembered that his father had cut a large section of cliff face to be used for a royal inscription, but had never had an inscription carved on it. Xerxes proceeded to have a message carved upon the rock, proclaiming that he was the son of his father. This might seem like something entirely trivial, but seems to give an insight into Xerxes’ character, as he tried to be a dutiful son.

A great god is Ahuramazda, the greatest of the gods, who created this earth, who created yonder sky, who created man, created happiness for man, who made Xerxes king, one king of many, one lord of many. 
I (am) Xerxes, the great king, king of kings, king of all kinds of people, king on this earth far and wide, the son of Darius the king, the Achaemenid. 
Xerxes the great king proclaims: King Darius, my father, by the favor of Ahuramazda, made much that is good, and this niche he ordered to be cut; as he did not have an inscription written, then I ordered that this inscription be written. 
May Ahuramazda protect me, together with the gods, and my kingdom and what I have done. 
Xerxes I’s Inscription at Van, written circa 485BC

Drawing of an earlier illustration
of the Babylonian chief-god
Marduk

In the year 484, in Babylon, the unhappiness of the population and the elites at Persian rule boiled over into a full scale rebellion. Perhaps Xerxes committed some outrage against their religious principles or perhaps the levels of taxation were just too high. Whatever the case, the Babylonians rose up in full scale rebellion, probably around June or July of that year. There seem to have been two rebel leaders, Shamash-eriba and Bel-shimanni. Shamash-eriba may have proclaimed himself king in the northern region of Babylonia, while all the records of Bel-shimanni are from the southern region. This would suggest that there was enough anger to allow for two nearly simultaneous uprisings.

A number of cities in Mesopotamia acknowledged one or both of these two men as kings, and their merchants dated their transactions to the first year of their reigns. This allows us to see that the area controlled by the two did not overlap much and that the rebellions were simultaneous. There are no known inscriptions of Bel-shimanni from September onwards of 484, which might mean that Shamash-eriba had overcome his rival, or more likely, that the Persians were counterattacking and moving their troops in from the south. Perhaps two months later the Persians had crushed the rebellion in Babylon and no more is heard from Shamash-eriba.

Babylon seems to have been ravaged. The merchant class, the priests of the temples and any Babylonian administrators seem to have been targeted for revenge. There are a great number of records and archives that were maintained in Babylon, mostly for commercial transactions. These mostly seem to come to an end in or around this time. This may be coincidence, but it is a strong possibility that Babylonians were being punished severely for their uprising.

A tablet from the Egibi archive, which ended around this time,
like most other Babylonian archives

There is a story told by Herodotus that Xerxes took away a statue of Marduk from the temple of Babylon. This statue was said to have been solid gold and quite large. The melting down of their god for bullion would have infuriated the priests and people of Babylon. It’s not clear if Xerxes actually did this, as Herodotus is not especially reliable for documenting the affairs of Babylon. If it did happen, it is not clear when it happened? Was this before the revolt that then triggered the spontaneous rebellion? Or was it afterwards, as punishment for the rebellion? There is an inscription of Xerxes, known as the Daiva Inscription, which speaks of destroying the worship of devils and replacing it with the worship of Ahura Mazda. This sounds very like an iconoclastic destruction of the idols of the Babylonians, but we should remember that there was an uprising in Egypt around this time that it could also refer to.

A tablet from the Egibi archive, which ended around this time,
like most other Babylonian archives

It’s an irony of history that thanks to our perceptions of Cyrus, that the Persian Empire is remembered as being tolerant and not resorting to terror or deportations. As we have seen with the inscription of Darius at Behistun, the Persians had no qualms whatsoever about resorting to terror, with impalements, torture and crucifixion all being practiced. We have seen with the Paeonians, Carians and Eritreans that the Persians had no problem practicing deportations when it suited them. Now, with the impassioned Zoroastrianism of Xerxes, we can see that the Persians, far from being an entirely tolerant empire, may in fact have been the first to practice religious intolerance at an imperial level.

I don’t want to belabour the point. The Persian Empire was not particularly cruel or harsh to its subjects. It was absolutely not the evil empire portrayed in the laughable film “300”. But we should not go to the other extreme and pretend that the Persian Empire was altogether light and merciful to their subjects. They were like most empires, in that if you didn’t revolt, you were probably taxed heavily, but treated alright. If you revolted, you would not be treated alright.

The author beside the Ishtar Gate

King Xerxes says: when I became king, there was among these countries one that was in rebellion. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the grace of Ahuramazda I smote that country and put it down in its place.
And among these countries there was a place where previously demons (daiva) were worshipped. Afterwards, by the grace of Ahuramazda I destroyed that sanctuary of demons, and I proclaimed: 'The demons shall not be worshipped!' Where previously the demons were worshipped, there I worshipped Ahuramazda at the proper time and in the proper manner. And there was other business that had been done ill. That I made good. That which I did, all I did by the grace of Ahuramazda. Ahuramazda bore me aid until I completed the work.
You who may live hereafter, if you should think 'Happy may I be when living, and when dead may I be blessed,' have respect for that law which Ahuramazda has established. Worship Ahuramazda at the proper time and in the proper manner. The man who has respect for that law that Ahuramazda has established and worships Ahuramazda at the proper time and in the proper manner, he both becomes happy while alive and becomes blessed when dead.
King Xerxes says: May Ahuramazda protect me from harm, and my house, and this land. This I ask of Ahuramazda. This may Ahuramazda give to me
Part of the Daiva Inscription of Xerxes I, written circa 484BC

A photo showing a reconstruction of Xerxes' Canal

As mentioned previously, the Daiva Inscription may not have referred to Babylon, but instead to Egypt, where a large Persian army under the leadership of Achaemenes was crushing the rebellion there. By the end of 484 it seems that Achaemenes had broken the rebellion and restored Persian rule. He then took up the governorship of the province and seems to have ruled quite harshly, perhaps as a way of dissuading the Egyptians from further rebellions.

In the year 483 Xerxes ordered a channel cut across the isthmus near Mount Athos. This would take three years to construct, with Phoenicians, Egyptians and local conscript labourers force to build this large canal. Perhaps some of the engineers who had worked on the Suez Canal of Darius were involved in this new project. The reason was that the ships would not be wrecked at the same place where the fleet of Mardonius had been destroyed in a storm. But it was a rather wasteful expense for bypassing such a small promontory. This can be seen by the fact that the Canal of Xerxes was only used once and then fell into disuse. If it had been useful the other fleets of the region would have used it and perhaps maintained it, but even a century later it was nearly silted up.

Xerxes was planning such a canal because he was planning on a major invasion of Greece. He would invade with a land army and an accompanying fleet. Towards this end he sent out his engineers and builders to create the canal, but also to begin stockpiling supplies for the transit of the army.

Painting from AD1879 showing Vashti
refusing the summons of the king to appear
at the banquet

With the rebellions in Egypt and Babylon quelled, Xerxes seems to have summoned the nobles of Persia to Susa to plan the invasion of Greece. A Jewish sacred writing, known as the book of Esther describes the gathering as a long and luxurious gathering of all the prominent figures of the empire, as a prelude to a seven-day feast. At the end of the feast, the Queen, named in Esther as Vashti, who had been feasting with her attendants and other women of the palace, was summoned by Xerxes to appear before his guests. The Queen refused for unknown reasons, perhaps feeling it immodest. The king was said to have felt insulted and to have demoted her from her royal position, although she would have remained part of the harem.

It should be remembered that this is conjectural. It is likely that the Jewish story of Esther takes place at this time, but we do not have definitive proof of this and none of the characters, with the exception of Xerxes, are known from texts of the period. The Hebrew text names the King as Ahasuerus, which was at one point thought to refer to Artaxerxes (the name of several later kings). But Xerxes I is the most probable candidate. Vashti is unknown in the literature, but Vashti may in fact be a title, rather than a given name. The Persian root of the word seems to mean “Best of Women”, which might identify it as a title. The other characters in the narrative, Haman, Esther and Mordecai are either unknown or unidentified, but this may simply be a result of the lack of sources from the time period. If Vashti is to be understood as a title, then it is possible that Vashti is to be identified with Amestris, a queen-consort of Xerxes mentioned by a number of Greek writers. But as the book of Esther begins with the demotion of Vashti, this identification would imply that Vashti was later reinstated in royal favour. It is hard to know what the exact historical context of the book of Esther is, but the most likely time period for the start of its story is around 483/482.

A modern drawing of Vashti refusing the
summons of the king to appear at the
banquet

This is what happened during the time of Xerxes, the Xerxes who ruled over 127 provinces stretching from India to Cush. At that time King Xerxes reigned from his royal throne in the citadel of Susa, and in the third year of his reign he gave a banquet for all his nobles and officials. The military leaders of Persia and Media, the princes, and the nobles of the provinces were present.

For a full 180 days he displayed the vast wealth of his kingdom and the splendour and glory of his majesty. When these days were over, the king gave a banquet, lasting seven days, in the enclosed garden of the king’s palace, for all the people from the least to the greatest who were in the citadel of Susa. The garden had hangings of white and blue linen, fastened with cords of white linen and purple material to silver rings on marble pillars. There were couches of gold and silver on a mosaic pavement of porphyry, marble, mother-of-pearl and other costly stones. Wine was served in goblets of gold, each one different from the other, and the royal wine was abundant, in keeping with the king’s liberality. By the king’s command each guest was allowed to drink with no restrictions, for the king instructed all the wine stewards to serve each man what he wished.
Book of Esther 1:1-8, (NIV Translation), written possibly as early as 420BC

The Persian Empire at the accession of Xerxes

In the year 482 there appears to have been further unrest in Babylon, where Xerxes must by now have been thoroughly hated. This may have been because Xerxes was now conscripting troops from all corners of the empire. These troops would have required feeding and Mesopotamia, as one of the most fertile places in the empire, would have been required to produce and hand over the food supplies to feed the troops passing through. The documentation is not clear though and this revolt may have not been a major one, or perhaps never even occurred at all. The archives of the great banking/landowning house of the Egibi Family in Babylon come to an end around this period, but they may have been crippled during the reprisals two years previously.

Relief statue of Xerxes from Persepolis

Xerxes was gathering a large army however. The Persian Empire at this time was the largest empire the world yet seen, and contained perhaps a higher proportion of the world’s population than any empire before or since, although this is debateable. Thus, if Xerxes wanted to continue his father’s projects, this would have included a punitive expedition against the Athenians in Greece. With this goal, and with the resources of the empire at his disposal, Herodotus says that Xerxes gathered a vast army, perhaps one of the largest in the world. While modern historians mostly disagree with the exact size estimates of Herodotus, there is no doubt that Xerxes did have a very significant army indeed when he attacked Greece.

In the year 481 Xerxes moved to Sardis, the old capital of Lydia and now an important centre of Persian administration in Asia Minor. It was here that the grudge against the Athenians started, with the burning of the temples of Sardis. Xerxes was entertained by Pythias, a wealthy Lydian nobleman who was descended from the royal line of Lydia. Herodotus records that Pythias offended Xerxes by asking for one of his sons to be removed from the army. Xerxes was furious at the implication that those who fought with him would die, so he removed the eldest son of Pythias from the army, cut him in two and had the mangled body parts placed on either side of the road for his army to march past.

This story is rather bloodthirsty, but the sacrificing of an animal and the marching past it sounds reminiscent of certain ancient Hittite rituals practiced in the region, albeit a millennium earlier. Perhaps something like this did actually happen, but Herodotus’ sources misunderstood the story?

Modern drawing of the bridge of boats built for
Xerxes across the Hellespont

In 480 Xerxes army was assembled at Sardis and marched to the Hellespont, where a pontoon bridge was constructed. Darius had done something similarly previously, but had bridged the Bosphorus, which is narrower and closer to the Black Sea. The bridges were built, but were burst apart by a storm before the army could cross them. Xerxes is said to have ordered the water of the Hellespont to be ritually punished and his chief engineers executed, as a punishment for the destruction of the bridges, before ordering the bridges rebuilt. To build a bridge of boats across such a stretch of water was an immense feat of engineering. Xerxes’ engineers built two.

One bridge was to take the army while the other was to take the supplies. The crossing point was between Abydus and Sestus, where the sea was around 1.3 km. Each bridge is said to have taken more than 300 ships, which then had a road stretched across them and wicker sides placed along the roads, to stop draught animals from panicking. Herodotus gives great detail about the bridge, but the exact details seem to have certain engineering problems. Even with modern equipment today, these bridges would be a tricky technical feat. That the bridges existed is usually accepted. Exactly how they were built is less clear. Regardless, Xerxes’ army was now in Europe.

Map showing the Pass of Thermopylae

Those Greeks who had determined on resistance sent troops to the Vale of Tempe in northern Greece, but withdrew them once it became clear that the Vale of Tempe could be bypassed. Xerxes advanced into Thrace, and the tribes of Thrace, Greek cities in the region and the kingdom of Macedonia all hastened to pay homage to King Xerxes and to offer their armies to join the vast host marching against Greece.

The campaigns of 480 are described in much greater detail in my previous blog dealing with this time period in Greece, but I will briefly summarise it here. The Greeks abandoned Thessaly, which subsequently submitted to Xerxes. The Persian army and navy pushed southwards, until their navy was blocked by the Greek navy at the Straits of Artemisium and their land army was blocked by an advance guard of the Greeks at the narrow pass of Thermopylae.

A storm struck before combat could begin and severely damaged the Persian navy, perhaps destroying a third of their ships. After this battle was joined, and the Greek navy held out for three days against the superior numbers of the Persian fleet. Another storm damaged perhaps another sixth of the Persian navy, reducing their fleet to perhaps half of its original strength. The estimates of damages are from Herodotus and are uncertain.

Arrow heads and spear heads from the hill where
the Greeks made their final stand at Thermopylae

At the coastal pass of Thermopylae, the Greeks, under the leadership of King Leonidas of Sparta, held the pass for two days, but were outflanked when the Persians learned of a nearby mountain track that would bypass the pass. Leonidas dismissed all but a thousand or so of his troops and fought a desperate last stand, where many of defending Greeks were killed, including the three hundred Spartiates who had been sent to guard the region with Leonidas, and Leonidas himself. It would be remembered in history as a triumphant last stand; of dauntless courage against hopeless odds. It was however, a serious military setback for the Greeks. Thermopylae was probably the best defensive position in Greece and it had been lost. The Greek navy withdrew from Artemisium.

Phocia was ravaged by the Persians and their newfound Thessalian allies. The important city of Thebes submitted to Persia and their armies joined the Persian host. Xerxes marched on Athens, which had been abandoned by the citizens. The Acropolis was burned in the fighting with the few who remained. Xerxes had avenged the burning of Sardis, but the Athenian navy and the Spartan land army still posed a threat.

Painting by Kaulbach from 1868 showing a dramatised
version of the Battle of Salamis

The Spartan land army was fortifying the Corinthian Isthmus, but this could be easily bypassed if the Persian navy was to sail past it and land troops in the Peloponnese, particularly as the city of Argos was said to be sympathetic to Persia. However there was a risk that the Greek navy could be a problem. They could be bypassed, but this ran the risk of sailing around the island of Salamis, exposing it to further storms, and allowing the Greek navy to remain between the Persian navy and the army. It was then that messages came to the Persian king saying that the Greek navy was preparing to retreat and all that was needed was to attack.

The Persians attacked the Greek navy at Salamis only to find that the Greeks were neither disunited nor ready to flee. The Greeks fought back in the narrow straits, with their heavier ships and better armed marines. They inflicted a serious defeat on the Persian navy, which had already suffered from the storms. It is hard to talk about the battle in detail because it seems to have been a very confused affair, but it was a very clear Greek victory. The Persian navy was now no longer in a fit state to challenge the Greeks for control of the seas.

Persian soldier shown at Persepolis

With naval dominance lost, the pontoon bridges and the passage of the Hellespont were threatened. The supply lines of the vast Persian army were endangered. Bypassing the Corinthian Isthmus was now no longer possible. Faced with this grim setback Xerxes ordered the undefeated Persian land army to return to Persia.

Mardonius, who had previously led an expedition against Greece some years earlier, was left in command of a large contingent of troops, along with Greek allies, to try and finish the campaign during the next year. Even this contingent of the Persian army was still the strongest land force in Greece.

Meanwhile Xerxes retreated swiftly with his remaining force, which was harried by Thracian tribesmen and greatly suffering from lack of supplies. They eventually made it to the pontoon bridges, but found that these had been destroyed. The remnants of the army were ferried back across the Hellespont and a chastened Xerxes now returned to Sardis and eventually from their back to the heart of the empire, where further discontent was brewing in his absence.

This brings the summary of the time period to a close. The history of the Persian Wars in particular is only briefly summarised, but I have treated it much more fully in the previous blogs (listed below). Hopefully this gives some picture of some of the other things that were happening in the Persian Empire and the Near East as a whole during this time period.

Persian bull column from Persepolis

Primary Sources:
Suez Inscriptions of Darius I, written circa 498BC
Inscription on the Tabnit Sarcophagus, written circa 490BC
Tomb Inscription of Darius I, written circa 486BC
Xerxes I’s Inscription at Van, written circa 485BC
Daiva Inscription of Xerxes I, written circa 484BC
Periplus of Hanno the Navigator, written circa 450BC, but translated at a later date into Greek
Herodotus, Histories, written circa 440BC
Book of Esther, written possibly as early as 420BC
Ora Maritima, possibly written by Avienus, circa AD350

Secondary sources:
Article on the rebellions against Xerxes in Babylon

Related Blog Posts:
525-500BC in the Near East
499-490BC in Greece
489-480BC in Greece
499-480BC in Rome
479-460BC in the Near East